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THE GURDWARA REFORM MOVEMENT AND THE UDÃSÎ
MAHANTS The Gurudwaras1 and Dharamsalas have played
a vital role in shaping the history of the Sikhs and
the development of the Sikh religious tradition. The
Guru, the Granth and the Gurdwara, these religious
structures have traditionally been the centres of
the religious, social, cultural and political life
of the Sikhs.
2 Guru Nanak established the institution of the
Sangat and the Pangat. Wherever he went, he left
behind a Sangat with an injunction to build
Dharamsala
3 with the purpose of meeting in a common forum.
4 The institution of the Sangat5 and the Pangat
continued under the successors of Guru Nanak. The
Masands and the Sangats became the central
organisation of the Sikhs for the propagation work
and collection of funds. By the time of Guru Gobind
Singh’s period the Masands developed into disruptive
force and hence he abolished the institution of the
Masands. After the execution of Banda Bahadur in
1716, till the rise of the Misaldars, a period of
terror and persecution followed by the orders of
Emperor Bahadur Shah and Farrukhsiar, and their
Punjab Governors Abdus Samad Khan, Zakariya Khan and
Mir Mannu. The Sikhs also suffered during the Ahmad
Shah Abdali’s invasions from 1748 to 1767. The
result was that when a large number of Sikhs, along
with their Sikh preachers were forced into exile,
the Sikh shrines passed into the control of the
Udãsî Mahants. Even after the Mughal rule, these
shrines continued to be looked after by the Udãsîs,
and the post of Granthi-cum-manager passed from
father to son. The less important Gurdwaras were
looked after by the men who wished to dedicate their
life to the prayer and the service of the community.
With the establishment of the British 1 Gurdwara, A
Sikh Temple. Generally, The Place of Worship of the
Sikhs.
5 Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for Reform in Sikh
Shrines, p. 9: throughout the British times the
Sangats (congregation) were supposed to be the
in-charge of the Gurdwaras. 196 rule new settlement
records had to be made. In many of these, the lands
and the properties attached to the Gurdwaras were
entered against the names of the Mahants.
6 I The Udãsîs in charge of the various Gurdwaras
rendered important service to the Sikh religion by
keeping the Gurdwaras going and were highly
respected as men of high moral character and
integrity. They were well versed in the Sikh
scriptures and devoted themselves chiefly to
reciting and expounding the teachings of the Sikh
Gurus. In the earlier stages these Mahants enjoyed
the confidence and reverence of Sangats of their
areas. They also warned their chelas at the time of
admission into their Order to avoid two deadly
temptations gold and the women. These Mahants also
nominated their successors to the gaddis. Their
nominees were accepted by the Sangats. Both Mahants
and their chelas enjoyed popular esteem and
confidence. But this tradition of purity and
austerity seems to have deteriorated as the result
of the increase in their income derived from revenue
free jagirs bestowed on most of the historic shrines
by Maharaja Ranjit Singh and other Sikh Misaldars.
7 The Mahants became inherited masters of the sacred
shrines, gave up all symptoms of Sikhism excepting
the beard and the turban. Though the Mahants were
known to be the managers and custodians, and not the
owners of the Gurdwaras, the concerned officials
tacitly encouraged them to seek the protection of
the law which regarded them as owners. They adopted
all sorts of corruption and vices. Idols were placed
in various Gurdwaras and their worship was becoming
common contrary to the principles of the Sikh
gospel.8 The misappropriation of the religious funds
and change in the life style of the custodian
Mahants was being looked down upon by the Sikhs but
lack of any social organisation prevented any move
to turn them out. Early twentieth century saw the
rise of provincial movements such as the Nirankaris,
the Namdharis, and the Singh Sabha in conjunction
with all India movements such as the Brahmo Samaj,
the Dev Samaj and the Arya Samaj. Moreover, the
increasing political consciousness and response to
Nationalist upsurge through out the country also
played a large part. It was the cumulative effect of
these internal and external forces which created an
6 Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, 1839-1988,
pp. 194-95. 7 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, pp. 3-4.; also see, Mohinder Singh,
“British Policy towards the Akali Movement”, Punjab
Past and Present, 1976, pp. 176-190.
8 Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for Reform in Sikh
Shrines, Sikh Itihas Research Board, SGPC Amritsar,
1965, p. 6; Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, pp. 18-19. 197 awakening among the
people in the Punjab and also the desire among the
Sikhs to reform the shrines.
9 The persecution of the Kukas and the suppression
of their movement saw the birth of the Singh Sabha.
The Singh Sabha Amritsar was formed, in 1873 to
check the Hindu propagation against the Sikh Gurus.
10 At Lahore, another Singh Sabha was formed in
1879. The main task of the Sabha was to spread
literacy, education and religious awareness among
the Sikhs.
11 In 1883, the Lahore and Amritsar Singh Sabhas
were merged.
12 Both Singh Sabha and the Chief Khalsa Diwan
promoted a modern sense of self consciousness and
identity among the Sikhs. The Chief Khalsa Dewan
founded in 1902 acted as coordinating body for the
Singh Sabha Movement.
13 On the contrary the Chief Khalsa Dewan helped the
British authorities.
14 The Sikh masses looked forward to the Singh Sabha
for the eradication of evils which had entered the
historical Sikh Shrines under the control of Pujaris
and Sadhus.
15 Singh Sabha passed many resolutions and made
representations to the Government for the
purification of the Sikh shrines but they did not
succeed in their mission.
16 The agrarian unrest of 1907 exploded the myth of
the loyalty of the Punjabis and marked the beginning
of mass political awakening in the province.
17 The revolutionary Ghadr propaganda made major
headway in the Punjab during the First World War.
Though the movement failed but it was able to make a
major contribution towards the articulation of
discontentment against the British rule by inspiring
many people by their patriotic and revolutionary
propaganda.
18 9 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,
p. 6. 10 Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol.
II, 1839-2004, Oxford University Press, (2nd Ed.),
2007, New Delhi, p.141 Also see Mohinder Singh, The
Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p. 7.; for details about
the Kuka Movement see.;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Namdhari 11 Paul
R. Brass, Language, Religion, Politics in North
India, Vikas Publishing House Delhi, 1975, p. 309.
12 Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II,
1839-2004, Oxford University Press, 2nd Edition,
2007, New Delhi, p.143, But the association had
proved a failure. 13 Paul R. Brass, Language,
Religion, Politics in North India, p. 309. Also see;
http:// en.Wikipedia .org/wiki/Singh_Sabha_Movement.
14 SC Mittal, Freedom Movement in Punjab (1905-29),
Concept Publishing Company Delhi, 1977, p.139. for
details see ;
http://www.chiefkhalsadiwan.com/history.htm. 15
Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for Reform in Sikh
Shrines, p. 9, ‘the writer mentions the Mahants as
Pujaris and Sadhus signifying their commonality to
the Hindus rather than the Sikhs’. 16 Davinder
Singh, Akali Politics in Punjab (1964-85), National
Book Organisation, New Delhi, 1993, p. 30. 17 The
agrarian unrest of 1907 was the first instance in
the Punjab, in which the rural classes, especially
the jat Sikh peasantry in the canal colonies, gave
expression to their discontent against the policies
of the British Government. 18 Khushwant Singh,
History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 1839-1988, p. 183.
198 Initiative for the reform was taken by the Sikh
and the pro-Sikh news papers as early as 1905, when
some of the news papers like the Khalsa Advocate,
the Khalsa Samachar, the Khalsa Sewak and The
Punjab, began complaining about the management of
the Golden Temple, Amritsar and other important Sikh
Shrines. These papers expressed grief and pain at
the Gurdwaras and other trust holdings being
converted into private properties of the Mahants and
also other abuses prevailing in the system of
management. The Punjab reminded the Mahants that
‘The Gurdwaras belong to the Sikh community and not
the priests, who are mere servants of the Panth’.
19 In 1906, under pressure from the Singh Sabhas and
the Sikh press, the Chief Khalsa Diwan passed a
resolution asking the government that the rules
governing the management of the Golden Temple be so
changed as to allow the Panth the right to appoint
its manager and other officials but it went without
any success. After having failed at the resolutions
and petitions, some Sikhs of advanced political
opinions decided to boycott the temples, to exert
greater public pressure on the Mahants and even
litigations were tried to get the Gurdwaras vacated
but to no success.
20 The resentment of the Sikhs against the British
attitude was growing but it could not be
channelised. The opportunity came in January 14,
1914 when the British Indian Government demolished
the wall of Gurdwara Rakabganj Delhi to the ground
on the pretext of making the road run straight.
21 Singh Sabha launched protest to the Government.
At that time the British Government had entered War
and the Sikhs formed considerable proportion of the
British Indian army. The Government could not afford
to disregard the Sikh sentiments at that time as
such the wall of the garden was restored but the
Gurdwara wall remained in the same condition. The
Singh Sabha leaders gave up the agitation due to
their cooperation to the Government during the War.
After the War was over, the matter of Gurdwara
Rakabganj again got prominence. Sikhs who had helped
wholeheartedly to the British Government in the War
wanted the restoration of the Gurdwara wall. But
British Government did not pay any respect to the
sentiments of the Sikhs. The Singh Sabha leaders
decided to 19 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, p. 16. 20 The courts of law were slow in
giving justice and Akalis were not ready to wait
that long. 21 Gaini Partap Singh, Gurdwara Sudhar
Arthat Akali Lehar, Singh Brothers, Mai Sewan,
Amritsar,1951,PP29-31; also see, Ruchi Ram Sahni,
Struggle for Reform in Sikh Shrines, p. 58;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Gurdwara_Rakab_Ganj_Sahib;http://www.readinggurdwara.org.uk/sikhism/historical.html
199 send Shahidi Jatha
22 to Delhi to rebuild the demolished wall. Thus,
realizing the seriousness of the situation the
Government through Maharaja Ripu Daman of Nabha,
arranged for the reconstruction of the wall.
23 This was a great success on the part of the Singh
Sabha. The Singh Sabha realizing the importance of
Shahidi Jathas, adopted same technique and method to
further launch an agitation to free the Gurdwaras
from the clutches of the corrupt Mahants. The
demolition of the wall of Gurdwara Rakabganj, Delhi,
the tragedy of Budge-Budge, the demobilization of
the Sikh soldiers after the War and the
unsatisfactory treatment meted out to them during
the War, further added to the discontent created by
the Ghadrites propaganda. Several other factors
contributed to the aggravation of political unrest
like failure of summer monsoon, poor rabi harvest,
the cost of living rose higher than ever before.
Also there was imposition of special tax on urban
population. Last of all came the influenza epidemic.
24 On the 15th and 16th November 1920, a mass
meeting of Nationalist Sikhs was held where the
committee of a 175 members was formed. Its main
object was to manage, reform and control the Sikh
shrines and Gurdwaras. It soon came to be known as
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee.
25 The committee was given the task of the
management of the Gurdwaras through its military
wing i.e Shiromani Akali Dal and to launch militant
agitation through its Akalis Jathas to free the
Gurdwaras from the clutches of corrupt, and
Hinduised Mahants.
26 The reform of the Gurdwaras frequently meant
removal of Hinduized priests and Hindu influences,
including Hindu idols, from the precincts of Sikh
shrines. Some Hindus in the Punjab naturally
resented these aspects of the reform movement.
Though outwardly the British Government adopted the
neutral policy but actually encouraged the Mahants
to adopt stiffer attitude towards the Akali
reformers and 22 Shahidi Jatha- a group of Sikh
martyrs. 23 Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for Reform in
Sikh Shrines,Sikh Itihas Research Board, p. 58-59.
24 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,
p.12. 25 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas,
RC Publishers Delhi, 1977, p.46-47, Khushwant Singh,
History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 1839-2004, Oxford
University Press, 2nd Edition, 2007, New Delhi, p.
198; Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee and the
Shiromani Akali Dal came into existence with four
objectives; (1) to bring the Sikh religious places
under Panthak control and management, (2) to do away
with the permanent position of the Mahants, thus,
ending their irresponsibility (3) to utilize the
property and income of the Gurdwaras for the purpose
of which they were founded (4) to practice the Sikh
religion according to the teachings of the Sikh
Gurus as preserved in the Adi-Granth. 26 Paul R.
Brass, Language, Religion, Politics in North India,
p. 283, 84, 311, 312. Also see ; Vinod Kumar, Akali
Politics in the Punjab p. 31
;http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Shiromani_Gurdwara
_Prabandhak_Committee. 200 supported them by
declaring “any person who attempts to forcibly oust
any Mahant … is liable to punishment under the law”.
27 The Gurdwara Reform Movement is significant in
three respects (1) it created a sense of confidence
among the Indians that the British could be forced
to meet their genuine demands through non-violent
mass movement; (2) it brought the Akali Dal and the
Congress leadership very close to each other, giving
a great impetus to the freedom movement in Punjab;
(3) the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee and
the Akali Dal provided the institutional and
organizational structure to respond to the
aspirations of the newly mobilized Sikh masses, and
in the process it acted as the training ground for
the emerging Sikh leadership.28 In the course of
their five year (1920-25) struggle the Shiromani
Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee and the Akali Dal were
not only able to oust the Mahants rather obtained
the control over all the important Sikh shrines
through peaceful agitation and passive sufferings,
but also to strengthen the forces of nationalism in
the Punjab by ejecting the Mahants, the government
appointed managers and other vested interests in the
Sikh communities. Once the important Sikh shrines
came under the Akali control, the Mahants in charge
of the smaller Gurdwaras either voluntarily
submitted to the authority of the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak Committee or were made to surrender their
shrines and the jagirs attached to them under the
provisions of the Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines Bill
passed in July 1925.29 II In the Charitable and
Religious Endowment Act (Act XIV of 1920)30 some
rights were given to the beneficiaries in the
control and management of temples. Therefore the
Sikh reformers, in the beginning, went to the courts
of law in the hope to obtain 27 Paul R. Brass,
Language, Religion, Politics in North India, p. 283,
84, 311, 312, A letter in file no. 179-II/1922.
28 Davinder Singh, Akali Politics in Punjab
(1964-85), p. 30;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/
Gurdwara_Reform_Movement.
29 Mohinder Singh Opines that over three hundred
large and small Gurdwaras were liberated by the
Akalis: Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, p. 19, 20. Also see, Wali Ullah Khan, ,
Sikh Shrines in west Pakistan, Govt. of Pakistan,
Lahore, 1962; Gurmukh Singh, (Major), Historical
Sikh Shrines, Singh Brothers, Amritsar, 1995; S.S.
Johar, The Sikh Gurus and their Shrines, Delhi,
1976; Mehar Singh, Sikh Shrines in India, Govt. Of
India, New Delhi, 1975;Iqbal Qaisar, Historical Sikh
Shrines in Pakistan, Punjabi History Board, Lahore,
1998.
30 The Charitable and Religious Trusts Act (Act XIV
of 1920) quoted in Mukherjee’s Hindu Law of
Religious and Charitable Trusts, see Mohinder Singh,
The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,p. 18. 201 popular
control of their sacred places. Here too
disappointment was in store for them. The courts
could not help the reformers because of the law, as
it stood then, made it obligatory on the part of two
or more beneficiaries of a temple to join hands to
go to the Deputy Commissioner for permission to sue
the Mahants guilty of misappropriation of funds. The
Deputy Commissioner, being a support or of the
vested interests, used his discretion to deny the
necessary permission in most of the cases. In other
cases where the reformers succeeded in obtaining the
required permission, the cases could not be followed
up for want of exorbitant court fees prescribed by
the judicial machinery.
31 Being convinced of the inadequacy and
ineffectiveness of the legal remedies for reforms,
the reformers now organised themselves in the form
of local Akali Jathas. The decisive period in the
growth of a modern, militant Sikh identity and the
institutionalization of Sikh consciousness came
during the Gurdwara Reform Movement. The Sikhs
launched agitations at the sights of important Sikh
shrines in order to free them from the control of
allegedly corrupt and Hinduised Mahants. Mahant
Harnam Singh of Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber, Sialkot
32 died and his minor son Mahant Gurcharan Singh was
appointed successor under guardianship of a nonSikh
named Ganda Singh, an honorary Magistrate
33. It led to resentment among the Singh Sabha and
the Sikhs throughout the Punjab. The reformers
reacted by filing a civil suit but were ordered by
the district judge to pay court fee of rupee 50,000.
The reformers failed to pay 50,000 as court fee to
file civil suit, thus, resorted to agitation. Ganda
Singh placed many hurdles but reformers got control
of the shrine by the end of September-October 1920
34. On October 5, 1920 the Sikhs had a big Dewan and
elected permanent Committee of 13 members for the
control of Gurdwara Babe-diBer Sahib.
35 The corrupt and non-Sikh practices in the
precincts of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht at
Amritsar and official control over its management
had been a source of great discontentment among the
Sikhs long before the beginning of the movement 31
The cases of Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber, Sialkot and Panja
Sahib could not be perused for want of court fees of
Rs. 50,000 in the case of former and Rs. 5,000 in
the case of the latter. Partap Singh, Gurdwara
Sudhar Lehar, p. 85. 32 The Gurdwara, was built in
the memory of Guru Nanak’s visit to that place, came
to be popularly known as Bae-di-ber because the Guru
sat under a Ber tree there. 33 Gaini Partap Singh,
Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar, pp. 83-87; Sohan
Singh Josh, Alkali Morchian da Itihas, pp. 29-39. 34
Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas, p. 39.
35 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,
p. 20. 202 for reform. The Mahants of the Golden
temple and the British Deputy Commissioner were hand
in glove and were ignoring the sentiments and
opinion of the Sikh masses. ‘The government Sarbrah
having kept the appointing authority appeased, spent
his time in appropriating the huge wealth of the
shrine, and consequently, neglected his daily
religious duties. Costly gifts to the temple slowly
found their way to the homes of the Sarbrah and
other priests.
36 The precincts were used by Pandits and
Astrologers. The idols were openly worshipped in the
Gurudwara. According to contemporary accounts, on
Basant and Holi festivals, the whole place
degenerated into a rendezvous for the local rogues,
thieves and other bad characters. Pornographic
literature was freely sold, and brothels were opened
in the neighbouring houses.
37 The agitation against the Golden Temple affair
had started way back in 1906 when a meeting of the
Sikh Youth on 22 December 1906 passed a resolution
asking the Government to hand over the control of
Darbar Sahib to the Chief Khalsa Dewan. Similar
resolutions were passed in the other parts of the
Punjab also.
38 The Central Sikh League in a meeting held at
Amritsar in 1920 again referred to the long standing
grievances of the Sikhs connected with the Golden
Temple. The demand for the control and management of
the Sikh holy shrine Golden Temple was made in the
Punjab Legislative Council and Government was
requested to make the accounts public. But the
movement could not make any headway. It got impetus
after the formation of Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
committee in 1920.
39 Sardar Arur Singh Sarbrah of Golden Temple
appeared before the Diwan, begged for forgiveness
and announced his resignation. The Golden Temple and
the adjoining Gurdwaras had passed into the control
of the Akalis in October 1920. Though Shiromani
Gurdwara Prabandhak committee and the Committee
appointed by it, controlled the affairs of the
Golden Temple but the fact that the keys of Tosha
Khana were in the hands of Sunder Singh Ramgarhia
gave feeling of Government control over the
Gurdwaras. Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, being
suspicious of bonfides of Baba Kharak Singh, the
President of the 36 Mohinder Singh, The Akali
Struggle, Retrospect, p. 22. 37 Gaini Partap Singh,
Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar,
pp.73-77,130-151; Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian
da Itihas, pp. 36, 40,41. 38 Khalsa Advocate,
May-June 1906; The Punjab, May 1906 cited in
Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p.
22. 39 Punjab Legislative Council Proceedings, March
13, 1920, cited in Mohinder Singh, The Akali
Struggle, Retrospect, p. 22. 203 Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak committee, took keys of the Tosha
(treasury) Khana and gave it to his nominee or
Sarbrah.
40 Akalis demanded the keys41 to be returned to
Kharak Singh, the president of Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak committee. In a meeting held on October
29, 1921, the executive Committee of Shiromani
Gurdwara Prabandhak committee had asked Sunder Singh
Ramgarhia, the Government appointed manager, to hand
over the keys to Kharak Singh. The Akalis were
disturbed when they discovered that Deputy
Commissioner Amritsar had sent Lala Amarnath an
extra Assistant Commissioner with a Police party to
Ramgarhias house to collect the keys of Toshakhana.
Protests were carried out by Akalis which resulted
in arrest of 193 leading Akalis.
42 Government finally had to give into the Akalis
and all arrested were released unconditionally. The
Akalis got total control over Gurdwara. Mahatma
Gandhi sent a telegram to the new President of the
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee, ‘First
Battle for India’s Freedom Won. Congratulations.
43 The British Officer, a District Judge himself
arrived at a Dewan held at Akal Takht and handed
over the keys of Tosha Khana to Sardar Kharak Singh,
President Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee in
October 1921.
44 The Akali victory at Amritsar with the formation
of Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee and the
Shiromani Akali Dal encouraged the local Jathas of
the reformers. A Jatha of 25 Akalis was dispatched
from Amritsar under the leadership of Bhai Kartar
Singh Jhabbar. It reached Panja Sahib on November
18, 1920. The next day the supporters of Mahants had
clashed with Akalis. Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar
took possession of the cash box containing the daily
offerings and declared the Mahant a tankhahia, who
was not to be allowed to enter the shrine till he
went to the Akal Takht to beg pardon for his acts.
Thus Panja Sahib Gurdwara passed into the control of
the reformers and a representative management
committee was soon formed to look after it.
45 40 Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol.
II, 1839-1988, p.201. 41 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali
Morchian da Itihas, pp. 112-115.; Ganda Singh (ed).,
Some Confidential Papers of the Akali Movement, Sikh
Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, Amritsar, 1965, 179.
42 Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for Reform in Sikh
Shrines, p. 69 & 220 ‘gives the number of the
arrested leaders to be 198 while Khushwant Singh
mentions 193 in , History of the Sikhs, Vol. II,
1839-1988, p. 202, Also see, Mohinder Singh, The
Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p. 46. 43 Khushwant
Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II, 1839-1988, p.
202; Also see, Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, p. 48-50. 44 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali
Morchian da Itihas, p. 132-33. 45 Gaini Partap
Singh, Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar,
PP.104-105; Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect,, p. 24-25. Also see.;
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gurdwara_Panja_Sahib
204 The Akali occupation of other Gurdwaras of
lesser historical significance including Chomala
Sahib Lahore, Tham Sahib in village Jhambr Kalan of
Lahore district, Khara Sauda and Kar Sahib
46 at Nankana, Chola Sahib at Ludhiana District,
Gurdwara at Shekhupur and Khadur Sahib in Amritsar
and Anandpur Sahib
47 soon followed. Mahants of most of these shrines
on their own swore allegiance to the Shiromani
Gurdwara Prabandhak committee and agreed to serve
under it. Others were compelled to do so when the
cases pending in the courts had been decided in the
favour of the Akalis.
48 The Darbar Sahib and Akal Takht had come under
the control of the Sikhs without bloodshed, but at
Tarn Taran, and fort-night later, at Nankana Sahib,
the birth place of Guru Nanak Dev, the Mahants
supported by the British authorities unleashed a
violent attack upon hundreds of non-violent Aklai
volunteers. Later the events at Guru ka Bagh and
Jaito were even more tragic. The courage and the
perseverance of the Akali volunteers forced the
Government to pass the Gurdwara Act in 1925 and to
release all Akali prisoners. The Sikhs in-spite of
provocations remained peaceful. The principle of
non-violent Satyagrah was put to test on a mass
scale with great success and this had a significant
bearing on subsequent developments in Sikh politic
in particular, and in the National Movement in
general. Mahatma Gandhi congratulated the Sikh
masses and their leaders for achieving success
through non-violence.
49 The Darbar Sahib Tarntaran was founded by Guru
Arjun Dev in 1500 AD and was famous for leper
curing. It is situated within 15 kms of the city of
Amritsar and had been under the same management as
that of the Golden Temple and Akal Takht. During the
days of Arur Singh, Mahants of TarnTaran became more
or less independent and introduced many evil
practices within the precincts of Gurdwara.
50 After the sanctity of Gurdwara at Amritsar had
been restored those at TarnTaran naturally attracted
the attention of the Akali reformers. Bhai Mohan
Singh Vaid,51 a local leader of the reform movement
is said to have invited the attention of the Mahants
to the evils prevalent in the system of management
and respectfully asked 46 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali
Morchian da Itihas, p. 219-21. 47 Ibid, p. 228-29.
48 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,
p. 24-25. 49 Davinder Singh, Akali Politics in
Punjab (1964-85), National Book Organisation, New
Delhi, 1993, p.31. 50 Gaini Partap Singh, Gurdwara
Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar, pp. 106-111; Sohan Singh
Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas, pp. 36, 54, 55.; for
details of the Gurudwara see.; http://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Tarn_Taran_Sahib.
51 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas, p.
55. 205 them to improve their ways. Sardar Lachhman
Singh is also said to have made a similar plea.
Sardar Lachhman Singh and the girls of his school
were not allowed to enter the Gurdwara to recite
shabads at Gurdwara. When a local Jatha advised the
Mahants to arrange for the recitation of Asa di war
January 11, 1921, the Mahants are said to have
beaten up the members of the Jatha with lathis.
52 In general meeting at Akal Takht
53 on January 24, 1921, the Akalis decided to march
towards the Tarntaran to purify the place. On
January 26, 1921 about 40 Akalis under the
leadership of Teja Singh Bhhuchar reached there. The
priest whose number is estimated to be 70, tried to
provoke the Akalis but the clash was avoided a
compromise was reached. The priest agreed to the
formation of a joint committee to settle the
dispute, which was a trick to prepare for an attack.
At the same night the drunken priest around 9 pm
attacked the peaceful and unsuspecting Akalis. Some
members of the Jatha who were inside the Gurdwara
were seriously wounded. The priests used lathis and
daggers and brick-bats. The holy place was soon
smeared with blood of the wounded Akali volunteers.
Bhai Hazara Singh and Hukum Singh succumbed to their
injuries. On receiving this news the district
Magistrate, and the Superintendent of Police and
other officials rushed to the place to meet the
leaders of both the parties. On finding that Akalis
were not to be blamed they expressed their
sympathies for them by an official order the priests
were barred from entering the Gurdwara until the
matter was decided by the Prabandhak Committee. The
Gurdwara having thus come into the hands of the
reformers, a provincial committee of management was
formed, pending the appointment of a regular
committee by the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
committee.
54 From TarnTaran a Jatha proceeded to Naurangabad
and purified the shrine.
55 Nankana
56, the birth place of Guru Nanak was most richly
endowed Sikh shrine. After the death of Mahant Sadhu
Ram, Narain Das managed the Janam 52 Mohinder Singh,
The Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p. 26. 53 Sohan
Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas, pp. 54-55, A
lady ‘In this meeting at Akal Takht had narrated the
sorrow affair of the Tarn Taran Gurdwara where she
along with her daughter had been molested. This
hastened the decision of the assembly to take quick
action against the Pujaris and Mahants of
Tarntaran’. 54 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da
Itihas, , pp. 56-57. 55 Loc. Cit. 56 Apart from the
Gurdwara of Janam Asthan where Guru Nanak was born,
there are over half a dozen other shrines connected
with different events connected with early life of
the Guru like; Bal Lila, where Guru Nanak used to
play during his childhood; Kiara Sahib, where the
Guru made up the loss of a farmer whose field were
spoilt by the Guru’s buffalos; Mal sahib, where a
snake is said to have spread its hood to protect the
Guru from the sun; Khara Sauda, where Guru made a
206 Asthan. Narain Das lived in the Gurdwara with a
mistress and was known to have invited prostitutes
to dance in the sacred premises
57. Though Sikhs wanted to eject him forcefully but
the Mahant had the backing of local officials.
Various Singh Sabhas had passed resolutions
requesting the Government against the Mahant. The
Akali reformers had made similar requests to Mahant
Narain Das for reform. Narain Das on his own had
sought Government assurance through Mr. CM King, the
Commissioner of Lahore Division. A meeting of over
60 Mahants was held at Nankana Sahib and it was
decided not to recognize the newly formed Shiromani
Gurdwara Prabandhak committee. Rather a new
Committee was formed with Narain Das as President
and Mahant Basant Das as its Secretary. They also
started Sant Sewak news paper from Lahore
58. Fearing the fate of his Gurdwara, he made
elaborate defense preparations, fortified Nankana
and sought police protection along with his personal
security guards. The act of Mahant was justified by
the Mr. CM King, the Commissioner of Lahore
Division. On January 24, 1921 the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak committee decided to hold a Dewan at
Nankana from March 4 to 6, 1921. Mahant Narain Das
tried to placate the Akalis by showing his desire
for a compromise.
59 He did not attend meeting at Sachha Sauda,
Sultanpur called by Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
committee.
60 Bhai Lachhman Singh left for Nankana Sahib
February 19, 1921 and on February 20, 1921. Akalis
led by Lachhman Singh Dharowalia
61 entered the Gurdwara. The gates of the shrines
were closed and the thugs of Narain Das attacked the
non-violent and bare handed jatha with swords and
hatchets and fire arms. The dead and dying Akalis
were dragged to a pile of logs which had been
collected earlier good bargain by feasting the
hungry Sadhus and Patti Sahib where the Guru wrote
his first lesson on a wooden slate. Mohinder Singh,
The Akali Struggle, Retrospect, Fn -53, p. 28. Also
see, Giani Gian Singh, Gurdham Sangreh, (Rare Book
Section, No.929), Guru Nanak Dev University,
Amritsar, 1919; Giani Thakur Singh, Sri Gurdware
Darshan, (Rare Book Section, no. 1288), Guru Nanak
Dev University, Amritsar, 1923; Pandit Tara Singh,
Sri Guru Tirath Sangrah, Temple Press, Ambala, 1984;
http://www.sikhcybermuseum.org.uk/history/Nankana
Massacre 1920.htm. 57 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali
Morchian da Itihas, p. 58-59; Ganda Singh (ed).,
Some Confidential Papers of the Akali Movement, p.
179. Also see, Ganda Singh (ed.), Some Confidential
Papers of the Akali Movement. p. 179. 58 Gaini
Partap Singh, Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali Lehar, pp
112-129; Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle,
Retrospect, p. 29-30. 59 Actually he was gaining
time to make further preparations as he wanted to
teach SGPC a lesson to remember. 60 Akali meeting to
be held at Sachha Sauda, Sultanpur from February 7
to 9, 1921. and another meeting was to be held at
Shekhupura February 15, 1921. 61 Mohinder Singh, The
Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p. 58-59. 207 and burnt.
By the time the police and the locals came to the
scene 130 men had been consumed by the flames
62 . Gurdwara was taken over by the army.
63 Jathedar Jhhabbar along with his 2200 Akali Jatha
marched towards Nankana to take possession of
Gurdwara. He was warned at Khipwala through orders
of Deputy Commissioner Lahore, Mr. Currie.
64 Ignoring the warning they reached Janam Asthan
and took control of the Gurdwara.
65 Now Deputy Commissioner of Lahore consulted
Commissioner of Lahore and handed over the keys to
the representatives of Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee. After the arrest of Narain Das Mahants of
more than half a dozen, other local Gurdwaras, felt
utterly demoralized and surrendered their shrines to
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee.
66 In-spite of a strong criticism of their action of
the local officials and their responsibility for the
tragedy, neither Viceroy of India nor any other
member of Executive Council asked the Government of
Punjab to take any action against the concerned
officials. This shows that officials wanted the
growing movement of Akalis to be crushed through
Mahants and thus to save themselves from incurring
the displeasure of the Sikh community.
67 Guru ka Bagh, a small shrine 13 miles away from
Amritsar had been erected to commemorate the visit
of Guru Arjun. Adjacent to the shrine was a plot of
land on which acacia (Kikar tree) trees were planted
to provide firewood for Guru ka langar
68. The Udasi Mahant Sunder Das69 accepted baptism
and submitted himself to the authority of an elected
committee of management consisting of 11 members
appointed by Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
committee. Suddenly, in the first week of August
1921 he lodged a complaint that the Akalis were
cutting timber from the Gurudwara land. Police
arrested the Akalis and charged them with criminal
trespass. Akalis held a meeting at Guru ka Bagh
where police dispersed them and arrested leaders,
including Mehtab Singh and Master Tara Singh.
70 The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee took
the challenge and Jathas of 100 Akalis each were 62
Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II,
1839-1988, p. 199. 63 Ruchi Ram Sahni, Struggle for
Reform in Sikh Shrines, p. 78. 64 Sohan Singh Josh,
Akali Morchian da Itihas, p. 74. 65 Ibid, p. 74-75.
66 Mohinder Singh, The Akali Struggle, Retrospect,
p. 36. 67 Ibid, p. 41-42. 68 Ruchi Ram Sahni,
Struggle for Reform in Sikh Shrines, p. 106.
69 Gaini Partap Singh, Gurdwara Sudhar Arthat Akali
Lehar pp.156-164 ;Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian
da Itihas, pp. 156-58; Also see, Mohinder Singh, The
Akali Struggle, Retrospect, p.52.
70 Sohan Singh Josh, Akali Morchian da Itihas,
p.157-58. 208 formed, which proceeded towards Guru
ka Bagh. For 19 days the encounter between the
police and passive resisters continued.
71 5,605 Akalis had been arrested, and 936 were
hospitalized. The Akalis took possession of Guru ka
Bagh along with the disputed land. It was the second
decisive battle won’.
72 With a sense of triumph Akalis arranged the
cleansing of tank or kar seva of Golden Temple in
summer of 1922. The work of cleansing lasted for 22
days and terminated on July 8, 1922
73. A government report on March 1923 said that
‘Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak committee has already
captured 125 Gurdwaras’.
74 February 17, 1923 the historic shrine of Muktsar
was taken over by the Akalis and on February 19,
1923, they got hold on Bungas and langar and broke
the locks of Gurdwaras.
75 Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha who ascended
the throne on 20 December 1911, was made to abdicate
in favour of his minor son, Partap Singh, on 9 July
1923
76. the Maharaja of Nabha’s dispute was with
Maharaja of Patiala and not with the Government of
India. Maharaja had great sympathy with the aware of
his sympathies with the nationalist and Akali
Movements. So he was persuaded to abdicate in favour
of his minor son by his self seeking officials and
the Political Agent to the Governor-Genera
77. The Akali leaders assured their help to Maharaja
78 . Assured of help from Akali leaders and his own
liberal allowances
79, the Maharaja also won over the editors of some
of the Pro-Akali Papers, among them Sachha Dhandora,
Daler-i-hind, Bir Akali; and Kirpan Bahadur.
80 The Native Press projected Maharaja as a
Nationalist Prince; an orthodox self-respecting Sikh
ruler’ and ‘religious leader of the Sikh community
81 and Maharaja was able to win the good will and
support of the majority of the Sikh community 71
Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol. II,
1839-1988, p. 204. 72 Loc. Cit. 73 Ruchi Ram Sahni,
Struggle for Reform in Sikh Shrines, pp.100, 102. 74
File 25/1923 March cited in Sohan Singh Josh, Akali
Morchian da Itihas, p.228. 75 Sohan Singh Josh,
Akali Morchian da Itihas, p. 228.;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index. php/Battle
_of_Muktsar. 76 Note dated 29 January 1924 in File
No. 628-3-P/1924, Foreign Political, N.A-I, as
quoted by Mohinder Singh, p. 67; Ruchi Ram Sahni, p.
197. 77 Letter dated 14 Dec. 1923 from his Highness
the maharaja of Nabha to His Excellency Lord
Reading, the victory of India, file no-18 (Nabha
Records), Punjab State Achieves Patiala, as quoted
in Mohinder Singh p. 67. 78 Ripudaman Singh undated
letter to the S.G.P.C. confidential papers, p; 173
Ibid, p. 68. 79 Caveesher Papers in Nehru Memorial
Library: Ibid, p. 68. 80 Statement of S.A Dighe in
the files of the History of Freedom Movement in the
Punjab, Patiala: Ibid,, p. 68. 81 See for details
Native Press Abstracts, (Punjab) June 1923 to March
1924, particularly Akali-tePardesi, Kirpan Bahadur,
Bande Matram. The Tribune in the N.A.I. and also
cuttings from the 209 As the news of the abdication
of the Maharaja and his removal to Dehra Dun was
made public, the Pro-Akali news papers strongly
reacted and declared that the statements issued by
Government were false and deceptive
82 which were obtained as a result of farcical
display of chargesheets
83 and that the valuables of Maharaja’s family were
forcibly taken away.
84 Leaders of Indian National Congress argued that
Maharaja was ‘deposed not for his short comings but
for his virtues
85. The Shiromani Akali Dal passed formal
resolutions urging the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee to raise a typhoon of agitation till the
Maharaja was restored
86 . The Akali leadership formally took up the
question of the restoration of the Maharaja by
issuing a communiqué on 9 July 1923
87 . 29 July was fixed as a day of Prayer and 9
Sept. 1923, the day for barefooted Protest March.
The Sangat was also urged to Pass resolution against
the action of Government and Politics agent
88 another communiqué issued on 10 July 1923, it was
stated that the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee had very good reasons to believe that the
abdication of the Maharaja was not voluntary but had
been exhorted by official pressure; that the
weakening of the Nabha was the thin end of the wedge
against an important section of the Sikh Community
89. Diwans were held in different parts of Nabha.
One such Diwan was organized at Jaito on 25 August
1923. On the third day-27 August – certain
resolutions were passed
90. Under the order of Gurdial Singh, the Assistant
Administrator, the State police arrested the
organizers –Inder Singh and other Akalis on charges
of delivering ‘political speeches
91. The incident offered the Akalis a challenge and
the Diwan, which was originally fixed – for three
days and was to disperse on 27 August 1923 was
extended indefinitely
92 . papers like Sachha Dhandora, Daler-i-Hind, Bir
Akali and Qaumi Dard, etc., in the personal
collection of Dr. Gandha Singh, Patiala. 82 The
Akali, 13 August 1923 also Kirpan Bahadur, Qaumi
Dard and the Bir Akali (from a file of newspaper
cuttings, Punjab State Achieves), as quoted by
Mohinder Singh, p.69. 83 The Nation, 15 August 1923:
Ibid, p. 69. 84 The Kesri, August 1923: Ibid, P. 70.
85 Proceedings of the Cocanada Session: Ibid, p. 70.
86 Shiromani Akali Dal Resolutions quoted in File
no. 628-3, p., Foreign-Political/1924, N.A.I: Ibid,
p. 72 & 73. 87 Press Communiqué no. 5,9 July 1923
issued by S.G.P.C. Amritsar. 88 Ibid.: No’s 5,7,12
dated 9th, 17th, 22nd August 1923; Also see, The
Civil and Military Gazette, 12 Sept. 1923: as quoted
in Mohinder Singh, p. 71. 89 Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak Committee, Communiqué 10 July 1923 quoted
in File No. 623- 3-P: as quoted in Mohinder Singh,
p.72. 90 File No.28 (Nabha Records) P.S.A. Patiala :
Ibid, p. 73. 91 D.O Letter dated 7 September 1923
from Wilson Johnson to C.A.H, Townsend, Chief
Secretary, Punjab, File No. 628-3-P,
foreign-Political, N.A.I; as quoted in Mohinder
Singh, p. 73. 92 File No. 70 (Nabha Records) at
P.S.A Patiala as quoted by Mohinder Singh, p. 73.
210 The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee
passed a resolution to observe 9 September 1923
93 as Nabha Day. The Sikhs of Nabha organized a
non-stop recitation of the Granth in their
Gurdwaras. Such ceremonial was held at the temple at
Gangsar in Village Jaito. It was interrupted by the
Nabha Police, in their bid to arrest the Akalis,
including the one reading the holy Granth. Daily
Jathas were sent to Jaito from Akal Takhat at
Amritsar. In the beginning Jathas of 25 members
daily walked to jaito after taking Pledge before
Akal Takhat
94 . The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee and
the Akali Dal were declared illegal
95, and 59 Akali leaders were arrested. Now the
sizes of Jathas going to Jaito increased from Twenty
five each to a hundred and then from one hundred to
five hundred. Indian National Congress had full
sympathy with the morchas. Among those arrested at
Jaito was Jawahar Lal Nehru.
96 While Jaito (Nabha) Morcha was going on, a second
front was opened at Bhai Pheru in Lahore, were the
Mahant had resiled from an earlier agreement will
the Akalis and charged them for trespass. Batches of
25 Akalis began to present themselves for arrest
everyday at Bhai Pheru
97 . The unending stream of Passive resisters that
continued to arrive at Jaito and Bhai Pheru
exasperated the government, and it made a desperate
bid to smash the movement. In first week of January
1924, Amritsar Police raided Akal Thakat, seized
documents of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee and arrested another 62 men. The English
administrator ordered the confiscation of properties
of Akalis in the state, restricted many thousands to
their villages, and authorized use of greater
violence against Jathas Coming to Jaito. On Feb 21,
1924
98 one such jatha of 500 Akalis arrived at Jaito and
on its refusal to disperse was fired
99 on by the state police resulting in considerable
loss of life. Second Shahidi Jatha started on 28
Feb. 1924. 93 Ruchi Ram Sahni, p. 206. 94 S.G.P.C,
Communiqué No. 94, undated as quoted by Mohinder
Singh, p. 173. 95 Order No. 23772 (Home Judicial)
Quoted from File No-28 (Nabha Records) P.S.A.
Patiala as quoted by Mohinder singh, p.75 96
Khushwant Singh, Vol. 2, 1839-1988, p. 209.
Pro-Akali Newspapers put the number of dead and
wounded over 500, SGPC communique reported over 300
casualities, including 70 to 150 dead. The official
reports and report of judicial Magistrate who
conducted enquiry was 19 dead and 28 wounded: H/P
File No. 180/1924; Mohinder Singh, p. 73. 97
Khushwant Singh, Vol. 2, 1839-1888, p. 209;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Jaito_Morcha;
S.G.P.C, Communiqué No. 94, undated/. 98 Ruchi Ram
Sahni, p. 224-225;Khushwant singh, Vol-2, 1839-1988,
p. 210. 99 Ruchi Ram Sahni, p. 225. 211 Third
Shahidi Jatha started on March 22, fourth Shahidi
Jatha on March 27 and fifth Shahidi Jatha on 12
April 1924
100. Government tried to isolate Akalis by giving
wide publicity to the story that the Akalis wished
to restore Sikh rule in the Punjab. Negotiations
were started between the Akali leadership and the
British Officials for a solution to the Jaito
problem. While the Nabha authorities and the Akali
Leadership were busy negotiation over the various
issues, the passage, in the meantime, of the Sikh
Gurdwaras and Shrine Bills, automatically settled
the Jaito and other issues. With regard to the Nabha
Affair, Malcolm Hailey, the Governor of the Punjab
made the following declaration; The Administrator of
Nabha will permit bands of pilgrims to proceed for
religious worship to the Gangsar Gurdwara under the
certain rules.
101 After the passage of the Bill, Bhai Jodh Singh,
Sardar Narain Singh and other Sikh Members of the
Legislative Council met the Akali leaders in jail
and obtained their approval of the Bill and
stoppinig of Jathas to Bhai Pheru and Jaito. Bhai
Jodh Singh arranged with Mr. Wilson Johnson, the
Administrator of Nabha, for the completion of the
Akand Paths at Jaito. The first Jatha, consisting
among others the Udãsî and Nirmala Sadhus, left Akal
Takhat under the leadership of Bhai Jodh Singh and
arrived at Jaito on 21 July 1925. Another Jatha
arrived from Delhi the same day. On 27 July 1925,
more Jathas reached Jaito after being released from
the Nabha Beers and other jails. The deadlock
finally ended with the Akalis completing their 101
Akhand Paths on 6th August 1925
102. The question of Maharaja Restoration was still
unsettled. The refusal of the Maharaja to give the
required statement to the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak Committee and his public dissociation
with the Akalis and their agitation further weakened
the position of those Akali leaders who still wanted
to carry on the struggle for his restoration.
Whatever might have been the facts of his case, the
Maharaja had at the stage, in the words of Mahatma
Gandhi; ‘made it practically impossible for his well
wishers to carry on an effective agitation for his
restoration
103 . 100 Ruchi Ram Sahni, pp. 229, 233, 235. 101
Mohinder Singh, p. 84. 102 File No. 112-IV/1926,
Home Political, N.A.I as quoted by Mohinder Singh,
p.84. 103 Letter of Mahatma Gandhi to the Akali
Leaders, quoted in Ganda Singh (Ed.) Confidential
Papers of the Akali Movement, as quoted by Mohinder
Singh. p. 55. 212 Maharaja accused Akalis of being
treacherous and unfaithful and requested them not to
give up the issue of his restoration
104. After the passage of the Bill and the dropping
of the Nabha question by the Akali leadership, he
was suddenly removed from Dehra Dun to far-off Kodai
Kanal in the South to spend the remaining part of
his life, in virtual exile till his death on 14
December 1942. III Finally, the Bill met all the
Akali demands and on 2 Nov 1925, The Sikh Gurdwara
and Shrines act was enforced.
105 The act, as it's preamble declares, aimed at
providing "for the better administration of certain
Sikh Gurdwaras and for enquiries into matters and
settlement of disputes connected there with..." The
Act has three parts. Part I contains, besides
preliminary matters such as title, extent and
definitions, reference to Gurdwaras covered by the
Act, procedure for bringing other Gurdwaras under
its purview, and appointment of and procedures for a
Gurdwara Tribunal. Interestingly, the definition
clause does not define a "Sikh Gurdwara," but a
subsequent clause, Section 2.10, lays down a
"notified Sikh Gurdwara" as any Gurdwara "declared
by notification of the local government under the
provision of this Act to be a Sikh Gurdwara."
Chapter I of this part ( Sections 3 to 11) and the
schedules referred to therein are the vital part of
the Act. Two categories of Sikh Gurdwara are
envisaged, scheduled and unscheduled. 104 For text
of the Letter see Ganda Singh (Ed.), Confidential
Papers of the Akali Movement, pp. 172- 4,. as quoted
by Mohinder Singh, p. 85. 105 In the entire
agitation (at Tarn Taran, Nankana Sahib,
Guru-Ka-Bagh, Bhai Pheru and Jaito) , it is
estimated, thirty thousands of the Sikhs went to
jail, 15 lacs Rupees were collected as fine. About
400 lives were lost and number of wounded was about
2000; Khushwant Singh, History Of The Sikhs, vol. 2,
pp. 212-213. The Sikh Gurdwaras Act of 1925 had two
schedules; the first listed 232 shrines. Another 28
were added to the lists which were recognized as
Sikh Gurdwaras without further enquiry. The second
schedule listed 224 Akharas of Udãsîs or Nirmalas
which were not to be declared gurdwaras unless they
fulfilled certain conditions. Any Sikh could put in
a petitioin within one year to have any institution
(except those listed in the second schedule)
declared a gurdwara; Khushwant Singh, History Of The
Sikhs, vol. 2, pp. fn 34; Also see; S.C Mittal,
Freedom Movement in Punjab, (1905-1929), p. 179;
See, Appendix, II, III and IV. 5 April 1921-First
Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines Bill introduced in the
Pb. Legal Council. 7 Nov.1922 – Second Sikh
Gurdwaras and Shrines Bill introduced in the Pb.
Legal Council. 7 July 1925 – Sikh Gurdwaras and
Shrines Bill passed in the Punjab Legal Council. 28
July 1925 – Gurdwara Bill gets the approval of
Governor General. 2 Nov 1925 – The Sikh Gurdwara and
Shrines act enforced. Also see;
http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Gurdwara_Reform_Movement
; http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Jaito_Morcha
213 Schedule 1 contains Important historical shrines
where there could be no doubt about their being Sikh
Gurdwara indisputably owned by Sikhs are listed in
Schedule I of the Act. Originally two hundred and
forty one Gurdwaras were entered in this Schedule,
out of which sixty five remained in Pakistan after
the partition of the Punjab. However, one hundred
and seventy three more Gurdwaras within the state of
Patiala and East Punjab States Union were added to
it by the Amending Act of 1959. Schedule II contains
the details of institutions which were not "Sikh"
gurdwaras about the control of which no dispute
could be raised. It enlisted two hundred and twenty
four Akharas of Udãsîs or Nirmalas which were not to
be declared Gurdwaras unless they fulfilled certain
conditions. A list of one hundred and sixteen Deras,
Akharas and Dharmsalas was declared as Udãsî
institutions without any further enquiry. In respect
of Gurdwaras listed in these two schedules or the
scheduled Gurdwaras as they are called, the State
Government issued a notification in the official
Gazette, declaring them to be Sikh Guudwaras. The
notification also detailed the property claimed by
each Gurdwara. A tribunal of three judges was set up
to determine whether an institution was or was not a
Gurdwara and the compensation, if any to be paid to
any one deprived of possession. The tribunal’s
findings were subject to appeal to the High Court.
The act provided for elected bodies to replace the
mahants. The central body, the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak committee was to consist of 151 members
of whom 120 were to be elected, 12 nominated by the
Sikh states, 14 to be co-opted, and 5 to represent
the four chief shrines of the faith. Local gurdwaras
were to have their own elected bodies of management
with one nominee of the Shiromani Gurdwara
Prabandhak Committee on its committee. The act also
indicated in what way the income of gurdwaras was to
be utilized. The most important part of the act was
to define a Sikh as “one who believed in the ten
gurus and the Granth Sahib and was not a
patit(apostate).” This last provision was
particularly odious to the Hindu members of the
Legislative Council. The Sikh Gurdwaras and Shrines
Bill gave the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak
Committee supreme control over two hundred and forty
one important and historic Gurdwaras under
undisputed Akali control. 214 IV Comparative
analysis of the Census figures of the Udãsîs from
1881 onwards shows a regular decline in their
numerical strength. The reports show that the number
of Hindu Udãsîs had always been more than the Sikh
Udãsîs. There was a general decrease in the figures
of the Hindus in the Censuses of 1911 and 1931, but
the number of Hindu Udãsîs between the years from
1921 to 1931 increased by 5.3 %. In 1921, the number
of Hindu Udãsîs was, 2,661 and in 1931 it rose to
2,803. On the other hand, the population of the
Sikhs was growing at the each Census, except during
the decade from 1881 to 1891 and in 1881 it was
considerably less than half of what was recorded in
1931. In 1881, the Sikhs numbered 1,706,909 and by
1931 they numbered 4,071,624
106, whereas the number of Udãsîs had always
remained low. It is important to note that the
highest increase in the number of the Udãsîs in
fifty years from 1881 to 1931 was in the year of
1881, when 14,149 Udãsîs recorded themselves as
Hindu Udãsîs and 2,243 as Sikh Udãsîs, the total
number being 16,392. In the coming years, their
number showed a downward trend. In 1891, the
recorded number of the Hindu Udãsîs was 11,835 and
the Sikh Udãsîs was 4,170, the total being 16,005.
In 1901, those who recorded themselves as the Hindu
Udãsîs were 9,017 and the Sikh Udãsîs 2,258, the
total being 11,275. In 1911, the number was still
decreasing, when there were 2,031 Hindu Udãsîs and
1,470 Sikh Udãsîs, total being 3,501, recorded as
the Udãsîs. In 1921, the ratio was 2,661 and 842,
the total being 3,503. The resumption of
revenue-free-grants, the Akali - Udãsî conflict, and
the Gurdwara Reform Movement served a serious
setback and the Udãsîs started sending petitions to
the British Government authorities requesting them
to consider them as Hindus, instead of recording
them as Sikhs in the Census of 1931, as they already
had been termed as Sikhs in the previous Census of
1921. But, result was that in 1931,
106 Census of India 1931 Vol XVII ,Punjab,Part 1
,Khan Ahmed Khan ,Lahore 1933,P.306 . Census
Absolute figure for Sikhs % increase proportion per
10,000 1881 1,706,909 -- 822 1891
1,849,371 8.4 809 1901 2,102,813 13.7 863 1911
2,881,495 37.0 1,211 1921 3,
107,296 7.8 1,238 1931 4,071,624 31.0 1,429
Includes figures for Delhi. 215 those who recorded
them as Hindu Udãsîs, were only 2,803, and the
number of Sikh Udãsîs was only 385, the total being
3,188 only. Surprisingly, the Udãsîs who generally
practised celibacy, had 3,150 female Hindu Udãsîs
and 665 Sikh female Udãsîs in 1881. The total of
female Udãsîs recorded in 1881 was 3,815. In 1901,
the number of female Hindu Udãsîs was 1,863 and Sikh
female Udãsîs 502, the total being 2,365. During the
thirty Years from 1881 to 1901, the number of female
Udãsîs was also decreasing. It is significant to
note that they asserted their position in thirty
years form 1881 to 1901. Afterwards, because of the
upcoming political changes the females did not
bother to get themselves registered in the Census
Reports. Total Hindu Udãsîs Male 10999 female 3150
14,149 Sikh Udãsîs Male 1578 Female 665 2243 Total
16,392 (Reports on the Census of Punjab, 1881,
Vol-II, Appendix-A, pp. 35, 36 and Vol-III,
AppendixB,PP23-24 by D.C.J Ibbetson, Lahore ,1883;
Final report on the Revision of settlement 1878-1883
of Ludhiana District, in Punjab, T .Gordon Walker,
Calcutta, 1844 p. 42 recorded 2,366 Udãsîs as Sikh
ascetics.) Total Hindu Udãsîs Caste 11817 Sect 18
11835 Sikh Udãsîs Caste 3173 Sect 997 4170 Total
16,005 (Census of India, 1891, Report Vol. –XX, XXI,
The Punjab and its Feudatories, by E.D.Maclagan,
Part-II & III, Calcutta ,1892, pp.826-829,572-573;
recorded 10,518, Hindus and 1,165 Sikhs as Udãsîs)
British Territories :- Total Hindu Udãsîs Male 7154
Female 1863 9017 Sikh Udãsîs Male 1756 Female 502
2258 Total 11,275 Native states Total Hindu Udãsîs
Male 2811 Female 654 3465 Sikh Udãsîs Male 1449
Female 416 1865 Total 5,330 (Census Report of India,
1901, Punjab and North West Frontier Province, Vol -
XVII, Part-I by H .A.Rose, Government Central
Printing Office, Simla, 1902, p.134, 122; Only 401
Sikhs returned as Udãsîs by sect. and 4,213 Udãsîs
got themselves registered as Sikhs by religion.Where
as Sikhs numbered 2,130,987 against 1,870,481 in
1891 and increase of 260,506 or 13.9%.) 216 Total
Hindu Udãsîs 2031 2031 Sikh Udãsîs Keshdhari 879
Sahajdhari 591 1470 Total 3,501 (Census of India
1911 vol XIV Punjab, Part-I, Report by Hari Kishan
Kaul,Lahore, 1912, pp.116,156) Total Hindu Udãsîs
2661 2661 Sikh Udãsîs Keshdhari 776 Sahajdhari 66
842 Total 3,503 (Census of India 1921, vol –XV
Punjab and Delhi, Part I, Report by L.Middleton and
S.M.Jacob, Lahore, 1923 pp.180, 185.) Total Hindu
Udãsîs 2803 2803 Sikh Udãsîs Keshdhari 16 Sahajdhari
369 385 Total 3,188 (Census of India, 1931, Vol
–XVII, Punjab, Part –I, Report, by Khan Ahmed Hasan
Khan, Lahore, 1933, pp.301, 309) V The Akalis, who
had won their struggle against the Mahants and the
Government control over their Gurdwaras, now turned
against each other. During the period from 1920 to
25, the Hindus supported the Udãsî Mahants against
the Akalis. This widened the gulf between the two
communities. The break away from Hinduism, to which
Kahan Singh of Nabha had given expression in his
Pamphlet ‘Hindu Nahin Hain’ was even more
emphatically stated by Mehtab Singh in a speech he
delivered in the first Gurdwara Bill107. Whether the
Sikhs were a separate people or a branch of the
Hindu social system became a major issue in the
years that followed. Similarly, the Udãsîs started
styling themselves as Hindus and requested the
British Government authorities that in the previous
Censuses they were termed as Sikhs and now they be
considered Hindus in the Census of 1931 and not as
Sikhs. 107 P.L.C.D., April 8, 1921, P. 583, as
quoted by Khushwant Singh, Vol-2, 1839-1988, p.214.
217 VI In order to maintain their respectable
position in the changed historical situation, the
udãsîs started making petitions requesting that they
should be considered as sadhus and distinct from the
beggars in the forthcoming Census of 1931. Udãsî
Mahamandal, Punjab, Gujranwala; Sindh prant Udãsî
Sadhu Mahamandal, Karachi; Sri Guru Sri Chander
Updeshak Sabha, Sakhar, Sindh; Udãsin Mahamandal,
Meva Mandi, Lahore; Puna Udãsîn Mandal; Panchayti
Akhara Bara Udãsîn, Allahabad; Sadhu Bela Tirath,
Sindh and many other udãsî Mahants and udãsî
associations sent their petitions mentioning “We
have observed with pain that there is reserved one
column in which under the heading of “Sadhus” the
profession beggars are also entered and thus classed
as “Sadhus”. The term “Sadhus” amongst Hindus in
India signifies those who preach religion or, are
incharge, management or control of religious
institutions and their status in life is looked upon
with respect and reverence. Whereas the profession
of begging is confined mostly to very low classes
amongst the Hindus and very often to those who are
termed untouchables very commonly known in province
of Sindh as “Menghwar”. It may be that one thing is
common between those two classes, that both live on
public money but the former viz: the Hindu “Sadhus”
on account of the services of a very high order that
they render to the public, just as priests and
ministers among the missionaries in England, France,
Italy, and other places on the continent of Europe
and the latter viz: the beggars in order to avoid
doing honest labour to earn their living take the
begging and are thus burden on the society instead
of being of any help or assistance to the Society or
State. ………….” Under the circumstances we pray that
you will be pleased to issue directions for the next
census that only those persons should be classed as
“Sadhus” who are such within the liberal and
colloquial meaning and significance of the term
“Sadhus” as used and understood in this country and
entered under the column which in the form of the
Census of 1921 bore No. 165 with the heading
“Priests Ministers” etc”. The Udãsîs also requested
the Census Commissioner that they were termed as
Sikhs in the census records of 1921 and that in the
forthcoming census of 1931 the Udãsî Sadhus be
termed as Hindus. They made it clear that if they
were not considered as Hindus they would be forced
to show their resentment through 218 bycotting the
census of 1931
108. They mentioned “the Udãsî Sadhus are Hindus and
in every census they are entered in the column of
Hindus and not with Sikh community because Sikh
community is quite separate from us, Udãsî Sadhus
are not Sikhs and Sikh are not Udãsîs. We worship
according to Sanatani Hindus and it is the duty of
Udãsî Sadhus to preach the religious duties, while
the Sikhs do not belong to the preaching class,
therefore the Provincial Governments may be advised
to enter the Sadhus in the column of Hindus and not
with Sikhs”. The Census Commissioner assured the
petitioners that differentiation between religious
Mendicants and mere beggars will be kept in view
109 and would be considered as ‘Religious
Mendicants’ under group 164, order 45 (Religion)
class C (Public Administration and Liberal Arts)
whereas beggars were to be returned under group 193
as ‘Beggars and Vagrants’, order 54 (Beggars etc.),
class D. (miscellaneous), sub-class XII
(un-productive). Responding to the petitioners the
Census Commissioner’s letter read
110, “It is understood that the majority of the
Udãsîs belonged to the Sikh community ten years ago,
and in consequently the instructions for recording
them as Sikhs were included in the Punjab census
code of 1921. It is now reported that the majority
are Hindus. Consequently a return of religion Hindu,
Caste, Udãsî will be included with Hindus and not
with Sikhs. The representation is the result of
misunderstanding, and the Superintendent of Census
operation, Punjab is amending these instructions so
as to leave no doubt on the point. The petitioners
may be advised accordingly”
111 . 1. The President Sri Guru Sri Chandra Usadin
updeshak Sabha, Sukkur (sind) 2. Swami Parmanand,
President Udasin Mahamandal, Mewa Mandi, Lahore 3.
Mahant Chattar Das Udãsî Sadh, Bassian, Tehsil
Jagraon, Distt. Ludhiana 108 Home/Public Department,
file no. 45/47/30-Entry of Udasi Sadhus in the
Column for Hindus in the forth coming census 1930.;
also see, Sant Ram, Udãsî Sikh Nahin, Chander Press,
Amritsar, 1927. pp.1.69; See Appendix VII. 109
Home/Public department U.O.I, No.D, 4996,
Pub/D/12-11-1930 file no. 45/47/30. 110 Census of
Punjab 1881, Vol-2, Appendix-A 111 Home/Public
department U.O.I, No. D, 4996, Pub/D/12-11-1930 file
no. 45/47/30. Entry of Udasi Sadhus in the column
for Hindus in the forth coming census 1930; No’s and
dates of the correspondence: I. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3443-G.P., dt. 15-11-30 II. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3539-G.P. dt. 26-11-30 III. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3570-G.P. dt. 28-11-30 IV. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3572-G.P. dt. 28-11-30 V. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3573-G.P. dt. 28-11-30 VI. O.M. from the
P.S.V., no 3574-G.P. dt. 28-11-30 219 4. Gopal Das
S/o Hari Das Udãsî, Sadh of raina, P.O. Bhani Saheb,
Tehsil and District Ludhiana 5. Bhagwan Das Chela
Bhup Dass, Sadh Udãsî of Rajkot, Tehsil Jagraon,
Distt. Ludhiana 6. Bishan Das, Chela Sharan Das
Udãsî Sadh, of Raikot, Tehsil, Jagraon, Distt.
Ludhiana. F45/47/30, public, dated 4 Dec. 1930.
112 Similar letters from the Census Commissioner
were sent to Gyan Das chela of Moti Ram Udãsî Sadh
village Sadhar, Tehsil Jagraon, Distt. Ludhiana and
Sewa Das Chela of Charan Das Sadh Udãsî
113; Sri Sadhbella Tirath Sukkur, petition no.
633-D, dated I Dec .1930; Sri Mahant Harinam,
President Sind prant Udãsî Sadhu association
114; Gangadas, secretary, Poona Udasin Mandal, 3
Vetal Peth, Poona city No, D-239/31, dated 16 Jan.
1931;
115 the President Akhil Bharat Varshiaya Sri Guru
Sri Chandra Udasin Updeshak Sabha, Sukkur, Sind, No.
D. 128/31 Public, dt. 15 Jan. 1931; Dharmdas,
secretary, Panchayati, Akhara Baba Udasin Kdygunj,
Allahabad, no. D. 5687/30 Public dt., 5 Jan. 1930;
Mahant Gurdial as Jambi, no. D.978/31 dt. 21 Feb.,
1931; Udãsî Sunder Das of Ludhiana; Mahant Darshan
Das, village Maniary, P.O. Silout, Distt Muzaffarpur
(Bihar)
116; Sri Mahant Hariram, president, Sind prant Udãsî
Sadhu association (Maha Mandal) C/o the secretary,
Bawa Charndas, Mithadhar, Karachi letter dt.
11.12.30; Mahant Har Parsad, village Heran, P.O.
Talwandi Rai, Distt. Ludhiana dt. 16.12.30. Requests
were made by Mela Singh S/o Jawahar Singh dt.
18.12.30 from Sarhali; Mahant Sita Ram Das Shastri
President, All India sadhus sabha, Panchavati,
Nasik, dt. 26 Dec. 30
117; and through telegrams to the Viceroy from the
Mahant of Dehra Dun and Mahant Gurdial Das dt.
12.2.31 to enumerate Udãsîs as Hindus and not Sikhs3
; petition dated 10 Feb. 1931 by Swami Parmanand,
President Udãsî Maha Mandal, Punjab, Gujranwala that
Udãsîs to be considered as Hindus not Sikhs118 . 112
Home/Public department file no. 45/47/30. 113 Loc.
Cit; O.M. from P.S.V., no. 3613-G.P., dt. 4 Dec.
1930 ; O.M. from P.S.V., no. 3615-G.P. dt. 4 Dec.
1930 114 Home/Public department file no. 45/47/30;
(Maha Mandal) C/o Bawa Charndas, adhar, Karachi, No.
D. 5688/30 pub dt. 5 Jan. 1930; Three such petitions
were also made to the Census Commissioner from
Scehroli(Sahrali) but reply could not be sent to
these petitioners as the post and telegraph guide
did not show any place by the name of Sehrali in
Ludhiana. 115 Loc. Cit. 116 Loc. Cit. 117 Loc. Cit.
118 Foreign/Political Department. Reform Branch,
File no. 42-R/31. 220 VI Thus, we find that many
cases to save the institutions under their control
were filed by the Udãsîs whereas they were countered
by the Sikhs. All India Reporter 1945 Sind 177
mentioned that ‘the Udãsîs are schismatic holding a
position somewhere between orthodox Hindus and
Sikhs.
119 The All India Reporter 1939 Lahore said, ‘though
they worship Samadhs, etc., they do owe reverence to
the Granth Sahib without completely renouncing
Hinduism. Owing to their, this intermediate
position, it is possible for Udãsîs to be in-charge
of so called Sikh Gurdwara property. It however does
not follow that the institution is a Sikh Gurdwara
and not true Udãsî institution merely because the
Granth Sahib is recited in it. Again this does not
entitle the Sikhs to claim to be associated in the
management of the institution
120 . A case decided by the Honourable Lahore High
Court by Double Bench (D.B.) Consisting of
Honourable Justice Addison and Monroe and reported
in 1934 All India Reporter at page 180, first appeal
no.1875 of 1931, decided on 15 Nov. 1933. The case
is regarding a Dharmsala at Sangatpura in Amritsar
District. Sohan Das and his brother the petitioners
asserted that Sohan Das was the Mahant of the
Dharmsala situated at Sangatpura in Amritsar. They
claimed that the Dharmsala was not a Sikh Gurudwara,
rather it had been a place of public worship since
1853. The Dharamsala contained a samadh and that the
Mahants are Udãsîs who do not fall into Gurudwara
Act. The claim was objected by Bela Singh and others
that the place of worship had been so since 1853 and
such worship was connected with the Granth Sahib and
the village where Dharmsala was situated was a Sikh
village. They asserted that the Samadh existed from
recent times more probably after the Sikh Gurudwara
controversy had become acute and the importance of
the Samadh had been realized by the Udãsî Mahants.
Thirdly, the institution falls within Sikh Gurudwara
act (8 of 1925) S.16 (2) (iii).
121 The court asked the Patwari of Sangatpura to
send his report. The report of Patwari mentioned
three points of observation. Firstly, that the
Dharmsala was built of kuttcha massonary. It was a
Sikh Village and the Granth Sahib was recited over
119 AIR 1945, Sind, p. 177 (Sikh Gurdwaras Act.
1925, p. 16) 120 AIR 1939, Lahore, p. 239; The
Panjab Local Acts 1825-1988, Vol. XI, Punjab Law
Agency, Chandigarh, 1988, p. 400. 121 Ibid., 1934,
Lahore, pp. 180-181. 221 there. Secondly, in 1890
when Mahant Ram Das had stated that Granth Sahib was
recited, he did not mention about the existence of
samadh. When the Sikh Villagers complained against
the conduct of Sham Dass on July 25,1912, an order
was made by Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar for a
mutation of the Muafi in the name of the Dharmsala
with Sohan Das as manager. Thirdly, it was only in
1911 when the petitioner Sohan Das filed the case
that he claimed it to be a Dharmsala where Granth
Sahib was recited by him and his brother and that
there was a Samadh also. It was on this basis that
he claimed it to be an Udãsî dera. The Tribunal
finally observed that there was no documentary
evidence of the early existence of Samadh. It is a
later thought probably prompted by Gurudwara
controversy 1925 that the petitioner had realized
the importance of Samadh and laid false claims. The
tribunal decision declared in favor of Dharamsala to
be a Gurduwara and the judge Addison declared “I
hold therefore that the evidence supports the
conclusion of the majority of the Tribunal that this
institution fall with in S.16 (2) (iii) of the Act
and the Tribunal dismissed this appeal with costs”
122. Means it is not Udãsî establishment but a Sikh
Gurudwara. The case of Mul Singh verses Harnam Singh
reported in the All India Reporter 1934 Lahore 173,
first appeal no. 1366 of 1931 decided in the court
of Addison and Monroe J.J on 28 November 1933. The
petitioner Mul Singh claimed that Dharmsala in Pindi
Bhattian in Gujranwala District was not a Sikh
Gurudwara, become certain Hindus performed Puja over
there. But the objectors Harnam Singh and others
claimed that it was a Sikh Shrine as Granth Sahib
was worshipped there, and it was established for the
use by Sikhs for purpose of public worship. The
Judge Addison observed that as a few or certain
Hindus worshipped Granth Sahib there, does not
conclude that the shrine was of Hindus. Secondly Mul
Singh claimed that dharmasla in Pindi Bhattian in
Gujranwala was not a Sikh Shrine and that Dharmsala
was founded by the ancestors of Mul Singh during the
times of Ranjit Singh in 1804 and grants were given
by Sardar Dal Singh Kalianwala in 1804 and by Diwan
Sawan Mal in 1834 one of the Kardars of Ranjit Singh
123. Thirdly, the earlier holders of the Dera were
Bhai Sujan Singh and Bhai Jagat Singh. Jagat Singh
died in 1862 ad was succeeded by Hardial Singh who
was succeeded by Hira Singh the father of Mul Singh.
Hira Singh was Succeeded by Ladha Singh and then by
Hazura Singh brother 122 AIR, 1934, Lahore, pp.
180,181. 123 Ibid., 1934, Lahore, pp. 173,174. 222
of Mul Singh. Mul Singh succeeded his brother.
Fourthly, Pindi Bhattian was a small town,
containing Hindu Arora community, many of whom were
Sikhs. The Sikhs were in majority in the town and
the Hindus who believed in Guru Granth Sahib were
considered as Sahejdhari Sikhs. He observed that the
Hindus of Punjab and of Pindi Bhattian read and
respected Granth Sahib. So the petitioner had
claimed it to be a Dharmsala of Udasis. The judge
Addison’s final observation was that Dharmsala was
founded by ancestor of petitioner, grants were made
by Ranjit Singh, Granth Sahib was read there in 1858
and in 1863, to which the both sides agree,
petitioner Mul Singh & his brother Hazura Singh,
made a statement on the death of their father Hari
Singh that both them rendered service at Dharmsala
and read Granth Sahib aloud. Mul Singh a zaildar and
a Sikh preacher held a Diman at Dharmsala in 1907.
124 He was asked to do so by the Sikhs and
Sehjdharis of the place. He baptized 13 or 14 of
those who attended including Mul Singh the present
petitioner. He made an appeal for funds and in this
respect his statement was corroborated by Kartar
Singh, another witness. This evidence established
that Mul Singh was a Sikh though Mul Singh has
denied this. The evidence of Darshan Singh cousin of
Mul Singh stated that 4 or 5 years back the Sikh
Sangat of the town had expelled Mul Singh and
appointed him as the Granthi of the Gurudwara. It
was declared “of these facts that this institution
cannot be held to be a Hindu institution”, so the
Tribunal dismissed the appeal with costs.
125 Another such case filed in the court of Addison
and Monroe J.J., AIR 1934 Lahore 398, was of
petitioner Puran Das V/s Kartar Singh and others,
first appeal no. 920, 1931, decided on 29 Jan. 1934.
The petitioner Puran Das claimed that Gurdwara
Jagranwan Wala situated in Kasel in Amritsar,
District was a Udãsî dera
126.His case was contested by Kartar Singh and
others. Gurduwara was found around 1823, the
earliest evidence of which is contained in Mauafi
proceedings. Through an order of exta assistant
commissioner, Amritsar made on 20 Sept. 1853
(ex-O-A-2)it was found that Granth Sahib was read in
this institution which was established about 30
years ago. Granthi Sahib Das’s statement made on 27
Sept. 1851 showed that the Dera was handed over to
his predecessor for rendering service to Dharmsala;
there were also samadhs at Kasel and that in
cumbents have always been Udãsîs. Monroe observed
124 AIR 1934 Lahore, pp. 173, 174. 125 Ibid., 1934
Lahore, p. 173. 126 Ibid., 1934, Lahore, p. 398. 223
“In my opinion the objectors have established that
this institution was established for use by Sikhs
for the purpose of Public worship. It follows that
the findings of the Tribunal is correct and I would
dismiss this appeal with costs.” Addison agreed to
Monroe’s view
127 that this was not Udãsî Dera rather a Sikh
Gurdwara. Legislation passed by the Punjab
Legislative Council which marked the culmination of
the struggle of the Sikh people from 1920 to wrest
control of their places of worship from the Mahants
or priests into whose hands they had passed during
the eighteenth century, when the Khalsa were driven
from their homes to seek safety in remote hills and
deserts. When they later on established their sway
in the Punjab, the Sikhs rebuilt their shrines
endowing them with large jagirs and estates. The
management, however, remained with the priests,
belonging mainly to the Udãsî sect, who, after the
advent of the British in 1849, began to consider the
shrines and lands attached to them as their personal
properties and to appropriating the income accruing
from them to their private use. Some of them
alienated or sold Gurdwara properties at will. They
had introduced ceremonial which was anathema to
orthodox Sikhs. Besides, there were complaints of
immorality against them. All these factors gave rise
to what is known as the Gurudwara Reform movement
during which Sikhs had to court jail on a jail on a
large scale and suffer atrocity and death. The
British government, favoured the priests, eventually
relented under popular pressure and padded, in the
first instance, Sikh Gurdwara and Shrines Act, which
envisaged a committee nominated by the government to
take over control of the Gurdwaras. This, however,
was not acceptable to the Akali leaders and remained
for this reason a dead letter. The agitation
continued and the government had another draft
worked out. Akali counsel was sought this time and
the principal demand about the shrines being handed
over or the management to a representative body of
the Sikhs was conceded. The Bill was moved in the
Punjab Legislative Council by Sardar Tara Singh of
Moga on 7 May 1925 and piloted by another Sikh
member. Bhai Jodh Singh, eminent educationist and
theologian. The bill was, in the first instance,
referred to a select committee which presented its
report on 20 June. The Council passed the bill on 7
July. It was published in the Punjab Government
Gazette on 7 Aug. and it became operative on 1 Nov.
1925 as The Sikh |